Tag: republicans
Pete Hegseth

More And More MAGA Republicans Aiming To Abolish Women's Suffrage

The 19th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution was ratified in 1920 — 105 years ago — and generations that came along after that, from the Silent Generation to Millennials, grew up assuming that women's suffrage was settled law. Even many critics of feminism agreed that the 19th Amendment was a good idea.

But The Guardian's Arwa Mahdawi describes a growing trend: more and more MAGA Republicans and white fundamentalist Christian nationalists openly questioning the 19th Amendment.

"Should women in the U.S. have the right to vote?," Mahdawi writes. "You'd be forgiven for assuming this particular issue was sorted out quite a long time ago. But, because we live in hell, it seems the question is once again up for debate…. First up is Braeden Sorbo, a 24-year-old conservative influencer."

Sorbo told YouTuber Richard Harris (who hosts the "Truth & Liberty" show), "I know more young women today who say they wish they didn't ever get the right to vote than I’ve ever talked to in my life."

"In a normal world," Mahdawi warns, "Sorbo would be a fringe figure shouting into the ether who we could all happily ignore. But thanks in part to digital media, we don't have that luxury any more. Sorbo has 1.9 million followers on TikTok…. More importantly, however, Sorbo's views can no longer be dismissed as 'fringe'…. Last month, for example, the U.S. defense secretary, Pete Hegseth, shared a video on X in which several pastors say women should no longer be allowed to vote as individuals…. Predictably, Elon Musk also has some views on this matter."

Mahdawi adds, "While the tech billionaire — soon to be trillionaire? — has never explicitly argued women shouldn't vote, he has amplified tweets that undermine the idea of universal suffrage."

According to Mahdawi, "The idea that women shouldn’t vote is increasingly being co-signed and amplified by some of the most powerful people in America."

An anti-feminist YouTuber who openly says that women should not have the right to vote is Hannah Pearl Davis, whose YouTube channel has over two million subscribers.

Mahdawi's column and Sorbo's recent comments are drawing a lot of reactions on X, formerly Twitter.

Writer John Ashton posted, "The Handmaid’s Tale is the bible of MAGA."

Former Fox News host Gretchen Carlson wrote, "This is so disgusting [and] especially horrifying because it’s the younger generation promoting this crap. I said we were moving towards the [Handmaid's Tale] last November. I hope I’m wrong."

X user Peter A. Patriot commented, "Republican women are admitting they don't think they should have the right to vote. It's sad."

Reprinted with permission from Alternet

Can Democrats Come Back? They Already Are

Can Democrats Come Back? They Already Are

During a summer when the popularity of Donald Trump fell to abysmal lows — and strong disapproval of his presidency achieved record highs — those dire warnings were mostly brushed aside. What received far more intense and sustained attention were the awful numbers registered by the Democratic Party, with analysts bemoaning its "historically" weak condition.

The occasion for all the funereal commentary was the release in late July of a Wall Street Journal poll that any honest Democrat had to find alarming. According to that survey, 63 percent of voters said they hold an unfavorable opinion of the party, while only 33 percent said their view of the party is favorable, the lowest rating ever for Democrats in a Journal survey. The party's net unfavorable was 19 points worse than the Republican Party, an unprecedented gap.

Such troubling findings can't be dismissed or waved away, even though the Journal poll was much worse than recent polls by other media outlets, which showed a mere 10-point ratings advantage for Republicans. Before we start putting up black crepe around the Democratic headquarters and drafting documents of surrender, however, there are some numbers that deserve our attention as well. For although the Democrats currently languish under a burden of public disfavor, those sour feelings may have almost no impact on their ability to defeat Republicans and achieve power again.

How can that possibly be? The real question in upcoming elections is not whether voters like the Democratic brand (or the GOP brand) but rather which party's candidate they will choose when marking their ballots. So far this year, despite the bad branding suffered by Democrats, the party is overperforming in dozens of special elections across the country and appears almost certain to win the two major statewide elections this November in New Jersey and Virginia. Polls in Virginia have showed Democratic gubernatorial nominee Abigail Spanberger beating her Republican opponent by double digits, and her New Jersey counterpart Mikie Sherrill is ahead of the Republican by nearly as much in some polls.

Special elections are not necessarily predictive of a general election outcome, as we learned last year. Yet the results in many races this year have been startling, dating back to Wisconsin's state supreme court contest last April, when Elon Musk and right-wing organizations spent nearly $40 million to defeat liberal Democrat Susan Crawford. The Tesla zillionaire made news not only with his brazen attempt to buy the election but by declaring its outcome decisive "for the future of Western civilization."

All that money and publicity drove unusually high turnout for an off-year judicial election — which Crawford won by 10 points, a landslide humiliation for Musk and a repudiation for the Republican far right (including Trump).

The trend kicked off by Crawford's victory continued across the country over the ensuing months, including races and places considerably less hospitable to Democrats than the purplish Badger State. In Iowa, for instance, the Democrats have picked up not one but two state senate seats in specials this year — the first in January, when Democrat Mike Zimmer won in a district that Trump had carried by 20 points only two months earlier, and the second in June, when Democrat Catelin Drey won by 11 points in a district that Trump took by an equal margin last fall — a turnaround of 22 points in less than a year.

Such encouraging results for Democrats have been commonplace across the country in 2025. According to The Downballot, a website that compiles and analyzes election results across all nonpresidential races, Democratic candidates in 34 special elections this year have run about 16 points on average better than 2024 presidential nominee Kamala Harris in the same districts.

Does that mean Democrats will win next year's midterms? It is far too early to make any such happy prediction.

But even that grim Journal poll demands a deeper look before anyone descends into gloom. As pollster G. Elliot Morris, formerly of FiveThirtyEight, explains on his Substack, it is very possible for voters to say they disapprove of the Democratic Party — and then cast their votes for Democratic candidates. That same poll found Democrats ahead in the generic ballot for 2026, measuring which party voters plan to support in the midterm, by three percentage points.

"That's a six-point swing from their last poll in 2024," notes Morris, "and would be large enough for the Democrats to win somewhere around 230-235 seats in the U.S. House of Representatives." Depending on specific circumstances in the states, it might even mean a change in control of the U.S. Senate.

The negative atmosphere surrounding the Democratic Party and its public image arises from dissatisfaction and even anger among the voters in its own base, furious over the feckless leadership that led to the 2024 debacle and the hesitant response to Trump's first months in office. Their reaction is understandable and predictable after a national defeat — but their more recent victories are a signal of hope on the horizon.

Joe Conason is founder and editor-in-chief of The National Memo. He is also editor-at-large of Type Investigations, a nonprofit investigative reporting organization formerly known as The Investigative Fund. His latest book is The Longest Con: How Grifters, Swindlers and Frauds Hijacked American Conservatism (St. Martin's Press, 2024).

Reprinted with permission from Creators.

Labor Day weekend shootings across Chicago

Where Does Chicago's Murder Rate Actually Rank?

The New York Times released a story on Wednesday afternoon about crime rates in various cities. Its headline? “Crime Festers in Republican States While Their Troops Patrol Washington.” It pointed out that cities like Kansas City, St. Louis, and Springfield, Missouri; Birmingham, Alabama; Cleveland, Dayton and Toledo, Ohio; Tulsa, Oklahoma; Memphis and Nashville, Tennessee; Houston, Texas; Little Rock, Arkansas; Salt Lake City, Utah; and Shreveport, Louisiana have crime rates comparable to Washington’s, where federal troops have been patrolling for the past few weeks.

Why isn’t the Times taking a close look at Chicago, which faces a federal invasion? The truth is that my home city is on pace to have its lowest murder and violent crime rate in four decades. Where does it rank in terms of cities when it comes to murders? It turns out Chicago doesn’t even make the top 20. How about cities in Republican run-states? Eleven out of the top 15 have Republican governors.

This list comes from Newsweek magazine (data reflects murders per 100,000 population; cities in bold have Republican governors):

  • Birmingham, Alabama (58.8)
  • St. Louis, Missouri (54.1)
  • Memphis, Tennessee (40.6)
  • Baltimore, Maryland (34.8)
  • Detroit, Michigan (31.2)
  • Cleveland, Ohio (30)
  • Dayton, Ohio (29.7)
  • Kansas City, Missouri (27.6)
  • Shreveport, Louisiana (26.8)
  • Washington, D.C. (25.5)
  • Richmond, Virginia (24.2)
  • South Fulton, Georgia (22.2)
  • Cincinnati, Ohio (21.8)
  • Louisville, Kentucky (21.7)
  • Indianapolis, Indiana (20)
  • Oakland, California (18.6)
  • Albuquerque, New Mexico (18.4)
  • Montgomery, Alabama (18.1)
  • Minneapolis, Minnesota (18)
  • Lancaster, California (17.7)
  • Little Rock, Arkansas (17.6)
  • Hartford, Connecticut (17.6)
  • Chicago, Illinois (17.5)

Of course, facts do not matter to the Trump regime. When the president posted on Truth Social that Chicago is the “murder capital of the world,” it wasn’t even close to the truth.

Reprinted with permission from Gooz News.

Russ Vought

'Dictator' Cancels Congressional Authority -- And Republicans Roll Over

Russell Vought is the ultimate Trumper. The head of the Office of Management and Budget just anointed by Secretary of State Marco Rubio to wind down the U.S. Agency for International Development ("wind down" being one of his favorite words) had a new stunt to try out this week to subvert constitutional separation of powers. You remember — Congress has the power of the purse. It must be on the citizenship exam. The answer should have an asterisk for President Donald Trump.

Trump's new trick this week is called the pocket rescission. The beauty of this one, unlike your usual rescission (of PBS funding, for instance) is that Congress doesn't have to do anything. The president just asks for the money to be rescinded — which freezes it automatically for the next 45 days, and if that should coincide with the end of the fiscal year, the money goes poof! And Congress' power of the purse is rendered a nullity.

So sayeth Mr. Vought:

"Last night, President Trump CANCELLED $4.9 billion in America Last foreign aid using a pocket rescission," the White House Office of Management and Budget posted on X.

Even some Republicans spoke up. "Congress has the responsibility for the power of the purse," Sen. Susan Collins (R-ME), the Senate Appropriations chair, said in a statement. "Any effort to rescind appropriated funds without congressional approval is a clear violation of the law."

The funds Trump canceled were largely intended for USAID, a global peacekeeping and anti-poverty agency that Trump has done everything he can to destroy; so it continues.

This was the script for the second term, and it is being carried out in every quarter. Accumulate power in the executive. Use it aggressively. Make of it a veritable show. Belittle and cast doubt on the courts and their authority. Undercut their esteem. Play chicken. And, of course, Congress. Play chicken and win.

Watching it, day-by-day, trick-by-trick, it is easy to miss the whole picture.

Is this what it looks like when a dictator moves in to take over?

Trump has been musing, aloud of course, about himself as dictator. "The line is that I'm a dictator, but I stop crime," Trump said during a Cabinet meeting, "So a lot of people say, 'You know, if that's the case, I'd rather have a dictator.'"

He later added: "Most people say ... if he stops crime, he can be whatever he wants."

Not that Trump wants to be a dictator. He made that clear, sort of, the night before, albeit still fascinated with the idea that people might prefer dictators.

"'He's a dictator. He's a dictator,'" Trump said of his critics. "A lot of people are saying, 'Maybe we'd like a dictator.' I don't like a dictator. I'm not a dictator."

Really? Asking permission to rescind is all that it takes?

Russell Vought, a self-described Christian nationalist, had this same job at the end of the first Trump administration. He was a key contributor to Project 2025, which as you recall was all about this, and some of us didn't want to believe it then, so here it is again. He said then that his final goal of Project 2025 was to "bend or break the bureaucracy to the presidential will" and use it to send power from Washington, D.C., back to America's families, churches, local governments and states. He has said that he wants to "traumatize" federal employees. He comes from the Heritage Foundation.

Just this week's stunt. Just $5 billion in aid. I wouldn't bet against him. And I can only imagine what's next.

Susan Estrich is a celebrated feminist legal scholar, the first female president of the Harvard Law Review, and the first woman to run a U.S. presidential campaign. She has written eight books.

Reprinted with permission from Creators.



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